The twilight of the Franco regime.
After the death of Franco a new ideological Cathedral was created in Spain with the displacement of the francoist elites and the move of the country towards liberal democracy.
The current Spanish constitution, approved in 1978, is a vacuous document that leaves open doors for interpretation in any direction in topics like moral matters and bureaucracy, but clearly defines the boundaries of a decentralised multi-national state by way of its recognition of the Basque Country and Catalonia as nationalities, and the mechanisms for them to have constitutionally backed states.
National catholicism was no more. This was accelerated by the francoist cortes preference for more lucrative ventures, like the management of public companies or new private enterprises. Ministers like Juan Miguel Villar Mir transitioned into the management of the big Basque state company “Altos Hornos”, then to leading the biggest Engineering Corporation in Spain.
Conservative elites consoled themselves with the fact that the new democracy would take the form of a Constitutional Monarchy. Dreams of seeing Spain joining supranational organisations like NATO and the European Union did the rest to convince them.
Obviously the support from outside was overwhelming, specially from the United States, who had been pulling the strings since Eisenhower to fit Spain inside their Atlantic sphere of influence. And we now know that the CIA had more than knowledge that Franco’s Vice President Carrero Blanco was going to be assassinated by the Basque terrorist group ETA. The new King Juan Carlos I addressed both tribunes of the United States Congress, promising a new democratic and “modern” Spain.
Those conservative elites who remained entered the liberal centrist UCD, who implanted social liberalism in the previously pious Spain. This party ended up collapsing after Oil Crisis of 79, mainly because of its internal contradictions and weak organisation. The winds of change were culturally and politically behind the left, rebranded from marxist socialism into globalist social democracy by PSOE strongman Felipe Gonzalez, who governed Spain for 14 years. This dynamic hasn’t changed in Spain and the right hasn’t really ever taken lead in anything more than moderate privatisation reforms with González’s successor, Aznar, who took power in 96.
Aznar was succeded by the left wing goverment of Zapatero, a character very similar politically to those in the São Paolo Forum, for whom he now works. It was thought that he would lose the 2004 election but a terrorist attack happened two days before the election and the state and propaganda apparatus, controlled by the socialists for a generation, worked with the PSOE to blame Aznar for the bombings in a moment of high emotional turbulence.
Since his government the left broke with any constitutional consensus and has turned the social engineering into eleven, the big majority that Aznar got in the previous election scared them. Maybe a new majority was forming in Spain? The solution to this was a new cultural revolution: gay rights, abortion for teenagers without parental consent, laws regulating the historical teaching of the causes of the Civil War… A new secular fanaticism was being introduced, in which the new postmodern developments in continental sociology department are adopted in Spain with celerity and unquestioned enthusiasm.
The Spanish left is determined and characterised by their desire of escapism from their own country and what they perceive outsiders see in her. Their place of birth is for them both an accident and a tragedy. This is why the cultural wars against Spanish traditionalism get a teleological dimension in which the new developments in woke humanism are implanted with the fervourosity of a gnostic heretic: divorce and abortion were adopted in the first years of the democracy, and the new developments in progressive “civil rights” like homosexual marriage and adoption were legalised in Spain soon after it were introduce in the Netherlands.
Long time Spanish Vice President Alfonso Guerra said about this cultural change: “A España la vamos a dejar que no la va a reconocer ni la madre que la parió” (“We will change Spain so much that not even her mother will recognise Spain”). The goverment in which he participated, as Vice President to Gonzalez, was more moderate that what came after.
Enter the Spanish left wing hegemony with the PSOE.
The PSOE is a vehicle for mediocre and unintelligent characters from the lower classes to get into high positions in the bureaucracy and secure and stable job. The party apparatus is designed so that the loyalty and hatred of the other side is the best mechanism to get closer to the inner party, thus creating a very low IQ caste around the President.
Their electorate is extremely faithful despite all the corruption, economic misery and incompetent governance that they have shown at the state and local level. The Spanish left are not like the French, they don’t blame themselves or their rich for their ills, it is allways some outside force that didn’t let the PSOE and its left wing messianism succeed.
There is some truth in what their lumpen says whenever economic catastrophe comes with PSOE. Because of this mediocrity, the PSOE has never been good consolidating control over the economy. The economic power has never resided in their hands and this is why the finance ministry is always left at the hands of a neoliberal who is connected to the Brussels agenda, big business and state controlled banks.
In the 80s the economy was directed by Miguel Boyer, who applied a soft Thatcherism to close and privatise the Spanish industry (“the best industrial policy is to not have an industrial policy”, said a minister) and carrying the loosening of restrictions in the jobs market.
He was succeeded in the job by Pedro Solbes who managed the economy while it came to a crash, with 23% unemployment.
With Aznar, Rodrigo Rato took the mantle, who took spain in the direction of the optimistic and wealthy 90s, the decade of the end of history. However, the apparent economy boom of the time was sustained by a tremendous housing bubble, which came crashing when Pedro Solbes returned, this time getting to a 27% unemployment rate.
This economic crisis and cultural transformations, as well as the sociological division left by the civil war, have been the impulse for the boiling temperature of the political discurse in Spain, long being characterised by division.
And we didn’t need twitter for this. The extreme division that is worrying some liberals “intellectual dark web” types in the anglosphere is not new in Spain. The country has seen this cultural hatred since before the radical socialists ascended in the cities and took power in the two Spanish Republics. This ingrained division, the “two Spains” or “dos Españas” as Antonio Machado said, has been just digitalised.
The PSOE has put division into law without any opposition from the right. The Rajoy’s Goverment was focused on the calamitous economic situation and didn’t mind correcting laws like the “historical memory” (“memoria histórica“) law that put the focus of the war on the right and obviated the history of political and extrajudicial assesinations, persecutions of catholics and coups that the PSOE had in their resume.
Also, there is a third Spain. The biggest winners by far in the spanish democracy are those who hate it and did not want it approved, like the Basque Nationalists. They have got fiscal and national benefits that have actually meant the end of the Spanish State in Catalonia and the Basque Country, when the education really means nationalist education, and where spanish is learn for couple of ours, if it is learn at all (outside the cities this circumstance is a reality for sure).
This leaves us with a conclusion that everyone outside my country has to understand: the left wing Weltanschauung is egemonic in Spain.
A democracy shaped by blood and anger.
The terrorist attacks of 11 March 2004 were a bloody example of this. The Spanish right wing goverment of Aznar was blamed for the attacks by the left, as he had supported Bush in Irak, while the right blamed the Basque Terrorist group ETA; always two narratives, always two Spains. The subsequent investigation was covered in darkness, and it is now clear that the perpetrators didn’t act alone.
But nobody really wanted to “stare into the abyss”. The objective was to blame the opponent, not to find the enemies of Spain that were behind the attacks two days before an election. The PP didn’t want to admit that they have brought a new terrorism to Spain, and the left didn’t want to give a foreign country the merit of the surprise election victory that they had achieved two days later.
The left has been very good for globalist and european interests in Spain, as well as the local interest of the nationalists who want to break the country, this has left them with great political legitimacy both inside and outside the country. It has deindustrialised the country, ingrained it in complete submission to Brussels and had good relations with countries like Morocco and France that want the country in a subservient relationship to them, away from atlanticist power or strong alliances with the US or Germany.
Spain has been unable to forge its own foreign policy for more than a 100 years. A radical pacifism means now that less than 20% of Spaniards say that they would defend their country according to the polls. The inability to make a mark outside our frontiers is defined by our inability to be proud of ourselves and unite against an enemy, because we always have an enemy within.
Like in the case of September 11th, the cuckservatives in Spain have pointed to unprobable alternatives, instead of facing the most probable actors interested geopolitically in Spain’s weakness and international irrelevancy, like France or Morocco (were the majority of the identified perpetrators were).
But now there are CNI and anonymous actors that have talked about this connection over the years. Where international islamist really that concerned by Spain’s participation in the Irak war? Or were the foreign policy establishment of France and Morocco more concerned by Aznar neoconservative foreign policy and anglophilia, so contrary to their foreign policy at the time?
This disastrous foreign is continued because the spanish deep state is also controlled by the left, and it usually works with a combination of enforcement and weak sentences. Spanish internal problems are always interpreted as political and this serves the left the position of mediator with ETA or the Catalan Secesionists, meaning that their victory is always understood by their supporters as a way to deflate any conflict and blame it on the right.
ETA has effectively won the popular battle by allying its political successors in a nationalist pole with PNV to help the new left wing government in 2020. In consequence, it has been helped by the national left by freeing jailed ETA terrorists and moving them into the Basque Country (a long time demand of them). The European courts, heavy influenced by PSOE’s soft power, has acted always in their wishes and has stopped longer sentences (“Parot doctrine”) and other impulses of spanish right wing judges.
The rise of Vox and the end of establishment consensus.
The last five years have been characterised in spain by the fragmentation of the old two party system, formed by the alternation of the two parties, the PSOE and the PP. Like their counterparts in the EU, they are both europhile and committed to liberal democracy, but internally they are two irreconcilable blocks.
The biggest story in Spain this year, specially for the right, was the rise of Vox. The party was formed un 2012 by those disaffected by Rajoy’s PP, and after a period of irrelevance, the party got attention with the leadership of Santiago Abascal.
Vox’s strong showing, coming from nothing to 52 seats is clearly explained by three factors:
First, the tortuous relationship of the technocratic and social democratic goverment of Rajoy and his own electorate, who did everything he could to misstreat his voters with higuer taxes, submission to the left in cultural issues and a complete misshandling of the Catalonia issue with passivity and postponed and weak action.
Secondly, the international context. As Peter Turchin says, when the electorate of the west sees in the news that creating new “radical” alternatives to the status quo is possible they seek for those alternatives, and this alternatives have appeared in Spain in both left and right.
After the economic crisis, the left found that in Podemos, a party composed from new left socialist professors from the Complutense University of Madrid. This party had strong ambitions in the beggining, its leaders were young and heterodox in their reading. They knew all the Frankfurt School theorists but they also could parrot Zizek and Carl Schmitt (they called their 1% enemy “the cast”, reflection a friend enemy distinction), and they used this knowledge as advisors to Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales.
However, after their failure to surpass PSOE as the main party of the left, and bad political organisational structuring, they have become more known for their conspicuous consumption and home adquisitions in the most expensive real state parts of Madrid than for their political ability to change the system, a mission for which they are completelly neutrilised by the establishment and their globalist NGO helpers.
The third, and maybe most important reason, is the continuous decomposition of the Spanish state, which has left it with less legitimacy for the right. A new reactionay stream has seen its rebirth in spain. After decades in which the Basque and Catalan nationalists expressed their nationalism with fervor and violence, a new young and romantic Spanish nationalism has made an apearance in the country.
I myself was a member of Vox back in 2012. My purpose back then as a right wing late millenial was to enter politics in a project different from PP. Back then I was more libertarian and reaganite, as was Vox. Since then, the party has moved towards the Visegrad Group, having a strong connection with the Polish Law & Justice party.
However, despite Vox ascendance, nothing much has changed in the balance the country, as it is deepely divided on cultural issues. Vox has been a stirring the pot and introducing debates that the consensus had willfully set aside, but the cultural division are deep in the country, and what Vox has done is motivating the right to fight in the cultural war. A fight that seems very long one, as the current situation seems divided between two very different conceptions of Spain.
The road to “Charocracy”.
The lefts domination and cultural optimism is sustained in the fact that social engineering always works flaulessly in Spain in matters like feminist and gay rights.
Spanish women are true believers in feminism, feeling their issues and identity are respected by the state, and this is why they vote for the pure social democratic establishment who will garantee favorable and unequal laws. The most important electorate for PSOE is the middle aged childless woman, what has been called by some right wingers “Charo”, a joke on a very popular name for females in that demographic.
This archetype serves as an extreme representation of the lebel of feminisation that the country has achieved. The phenomenon can be compared to the American AWFL, but the examples are as different as the aspirations and dreams of both countries. While the AWFL want for them the attention and corporate power that white men had in the past, the Charo is an unambitious, lower middle class woman with no future or social standing. It is an even more depressing example of societal breakup, with no money to buy expensive bottles of wine.
The cultural battle between the sexes is turning strong. Despite being one of the countries with less homicides related to domestic violence there is a deep fanaticism and ingrained hatred between the sexes in the country. These laws reflect in an exceptional way feminisation in Spain in a way that no other country, even Sweden, has been able to achieve, with legislation that greatly display a positive discrimination towards women.
Vox is the only party that opposes this laws and this steers the condemnation and persecution of the state and private (both receive huge sums of money from the state to promote left wing ideology, so their interest is not just emotional) media. No representative from the party can do an interview without reciving inquires about this, or even a sermon by the host. Despite Spain being one of the healthiest and less violent countries in the world, the left has found in feminist a gold mine and more than 200 million euros are destined every year to feminist organisations, who organise demonstrations every time there are news that can benefit their narrative (that means, so long as the rapist of killer is white).
Multicultural policies are also strongly supported by the state, and crimes commited by foreigners are conveniently buried from the public eye. The official discourse of the elites is that millions of immigrants from Africa and America are necessary for the sustainability of the broken public pension system and to do the jobs that “the Spanish don’t want”. No matter the secular wage stagnation, the cyclical economic crises and permanent high unemployment that, the need for immigrants is always strong and supported by the state, with millions in aid and positive discrimination towards them.
Men, specially the young are more divided politically. Those who are younger than 30 voted majoritarily for Vox, and the rest fell for Podemos. There is also strong electorate for soy and antifa minions in Spain, pastored by the comedians and irony bros that the left has installed in their TVs to push intersectional politics, basing themselves in types like John Oliver.
A year of political hearthquakes and the return of the left to power.
The Rajoy goverment had a weak majority and their management of the economy was meek and unambitious, wainting for Mario Draghi’s stimuli and the international situation to push Spain forward. The seccessionist movement was ignored until the last moment, giving continued propaganda victories to the Catalan nationalists, who had the support of the left wing TV channels, in addition to ministers who could actually speak English and give “meat” to foreign reporters, achieving wins in the propaganda side. The use of force was ineffectual and directionless, and the goverment reacted to the illegal independence referendum by leaving all the decision-making about the situation to the judiciary.
The PP tried to create a coalition to respond to this crisis by joining the PSOE and the Basque Nationalists, but their initial support was like the kiss of Judas. When the Catalan seccessionists saw that the could face decades in prison they supported a motion of no confidence on Rajoy (supported by their Basque nationalist friends in PNV) and Pedro Sanchez came to power.
Due to constitutional arrangements the Sanchez goverment had the possibility to govern for a year before the elections, and they used this window of opportunity to push intersectional and identitarian politics, as well as to an strategy of appeasement towards the seccessionist with the aim of calming the violent situation in Catalonia and rob them of some support.
This scandalised and radicalised the right and pushed the vote of the right towards Vox, who intepreted what happened in Catalonia as a coup, and has pretty much mobilised the usually passive and economic centered right in the streets.
Other actors in the right were Ciudadanos, a macronian party that had some mediatic support from some sectors in the liberal media. They had some success in the Rajoy era but missinterpreted the desire for centrism in spain and has collapsed in support, with it funneling to vox and returning to the PP. This changed the dynamics on the right and, in a Trumpian way, opened some debates that have been settled by decree of the establishment, like immigration or state feminism.
However, despite this movilisation on the right, the left is majoritary in Spain, and the fear of Sanchez’s pacts with the secessionists (a move that was negated by him with lies, as has been finally proven in this new year) werent enough to move them to any of the three parties of the right, much less to vote for “fascists” and nostalgics for the ghost of Franco, as they see them.
Consequentially there have been two elections in a year in which the balance between blocks didn’t change much. The PSOE was able to surpass Rajoy’s PP (and his substitute Casado) with establishment favouritism in a time of “dangerous populism”, as well as minority narcissism, combined with decrees favoring its labor union and bureaucratic constituents.
The media is also heavily controlled by the left. Those who are not just propaganda machines for the PSOE establishment like the PRISA group are moderate or centrists who help push globalist dogma. PRISA is part owned by Qatar and Mexican investors.
But they are not alone in the left wing market. La Sexta, a company created by the Catalan seccesionist socialist Jaume Roures, and invested by Soros, is a far left wing channel that has strongly supported a coalition of the left with the secessionists for a long time. In the end their wishes were fulfilled, and those who opposed this, in a more Clintonian vein, were purged from the party by Pedro Sánchez.
The situation is so horrible that Antena 3, the neocon channel that used to support Aznar with fervor, has now merged with La Sexta, with the consequence that instead of the second one moving to the right it is Antena 3 the one that has been cucked. Now there are only two big mediatic groups in Spain, which control more than 80% of the market.
No wonder that despite having very serious secular economic problems like a medium unemployment of 15%, and stagnant deindustrialised economy and collapsing demographics, the spanish are the most worried in the world about things like climate change or feminism. The propaganda from the media is overwhelming, imagine the US without Fox News or the strong Evangelical lobby.
Chad wars: Abascal vs Sánchez.
The Spanish political scene has seen a revolution with the appearance of new parties and also because for the first time the leaders of both establishment parties are elected by its members, and not selected by the inner circle of the party (or by its previous leader, as was the case historically in the PP).
The political pollarization that the country will face will make in my opinion that Sanchez will have its nemesis in Abascal and viceversa. Both are the leaders of two very different worldviews that the Spanish left and right have. Secular vs catholic; social democracy vs right wing populist..etc. Plurinationalism, with more devolution to regions like Catalonia, vs unitary nation-state ala France.
Sanchez is a more stupid, more macho and more vacuous Trudeau. As the Canadian Prime Minister he comes from a political family conected to his party, but despite both being minions of Soros and other globalist entities that inspire their discourse, he has less iniciative and ideas of his own, thus being a pure apparatchnik subordinated to supranational organisations, as well as his political scientist advisors.
Evidence in his twitter from just a couple of years ago shows a deeply ignorant, illiterate (hes written spanish is similar to a 13 year old) and vacuous empty suit. His handsomeness, however, may be a part of his sucess with Charos and other female voters, as it is for his canadian homologue. As Bronze Age Pervert has hinted, the appeal of masculine candidates has to be always considered in late liberal democracy, as countries get more feminised.
He is also a serial liar, as everything he has done was behemently opposed by him in the most rotund, and now oblivious false, ways. We are thus in front of someone with all the characteristics of a narcissistic sociopath, and another de-evolution in the kind of mediocre and cynical elites coming to power in the new century. Even for moderate social democratic terms, we have come to a new low since Mitterrand and Willy Brandt.
However we cannot negate the magnetism of his personal characteristics, his unscrupulousness, addiction for luxury and “dontgiveafuckaboutness” are strong chad, “dark triad”, markers.
Abascal has also cultivated a strongman image, and his instagram (in which he is currently the most followed political leader) and facebook account have strong aesthetics, with many references to Spain’s glorious past, reverence for old symbols, cultivation of the body through sports and family life. Compared to Abascal and Sanchez, Casado and Iglesias have much more of a calm and fatherly archetype, although Sanchez is the only one without any children, a usual attribute in modern European leaders.
Both leaders have clearly set each other as their enemy and I think that is probably that Vox electorate will keep growing because, from the point of view of the right, Sanchez’s actions are reckless and unpatriotic. Also, Sanchez will have the fear of the “extreme right” as a movilising force for his voters, and we have jet to see if the right surpasses the current goverment coalition in the polls.
Abascal is not an intellectual genius either but he always had a lot of care for what he says in the internet and the pulpit, were he he also likes to reference to spanish intellectuals like Unamuno and Maeztu. He is backed in this by his advisor Kiko Monasterio, a conservative intellectual who has a very national populist worldview and antiglobalist angle.
Ten years of an state with a crisis of legitimacy.
Sanchez’s Goverment will continue the push to legitimise the left’s view of Spanish history and attack the right. His goverment will have the communist and Hugo Chavez advisor Pablo Iglesias in the Vice-Presidency (a position that gives leverage in businesses like the national intelligence agencies) and will be supported by the secessionists for budgetary reasons. Hatred of the right and specially Vox will be the unifying factor in this new era.
Now that national populism is an ever growing problem for liberals, as Matthew Goodwin has shown, goverments in all of Europe are recurring to symbolic invocations of the reactionay and evil past to legitimise liberal democracy’s ills and the current order.
In Spain, Franco is the card that can keep the ball running for the left. After years of legal action the judiciary let the left exhumate Franco, a symbolic moment of the break with the past consensus and a signal of what is to come.
This is why the the most accesible weapon that the left will have to keep the seccessionists at bay is to initiate a cultural war against the right. They are fully concious that their margin of action in the economy is slim due to Spain’s debt and low productivity, and that the potential to dissapoint their electorate in economic matters is certain, so their strategy will be to push cultural matters to the extreme.
This strategy will futher pollarise the country, but the left really has no other alternative. If the things continue as they are, with Vox cuestioning the system and further economic deterioration, the right will come to power sooner than later, and they can’t imagine the thought of being governed by Abascal.
Experience tells us that the left is so hegemonic in Spain that the only way the right has been hable to come to power historically is by the left’s managing of an economic catastrophe with extremelly high unemployment or their use of political violence and represion in their oponents.
But we Spaniards are also used to very dark times, despite being invaded and our infraestructure destroyed in wars, we have been able to resurrect as a Nation. We were able to create an Empire after being invaded for seven centuries, and we started the fall of Napoleon. Now the countries faces a depopulation not seen since the times of the Empire and the economy continues been weak, in an international context of middle class decimation, but lets hope that the Spanish people find again the spirit to. We are not alone in this, the “wings” of the “Owl of Minerva”, as Hegel put it, “spreads its wings only with the falling of the dusk”, and it seems like history is pointing towards national populism for Europeans.